Where did Katasonova and the artist find their inspiration for this blond beautification of Putin, the former KGB director of the Russian Culture Center from Dresden and the mafia boss from Petersburg/Leningrad?
In Russia today, there are four main
anti-communist and anti-Soviet political forces: 1) the oligarchic party of the
Kremlin and Putin, 2) the liberal, pro-West "opposition," 3) various
right-wing nationalists and supposed nationalists, where also fall Dugin and
Prosvirnin, and 4) a potentially separatist Islam-based,
"conservative" wave. After Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Gorbachev, Yeltsin,
and Putin, the left resembles a group of shades caught and stored safely
somewhere in the limbo. As much as the above all hate the former Communists,
nearly all of them harbor secret or not so secret any more sympathies for
fascists and Russian traitors and collaborators with the Nazis.
Dugin: "The globalists remind me of the black periods of Soviet history - Stalin`s style of lie."
Dugin: "I am anti-communist and I am anti-Nazi, anti-fascist. ..I am simply a realist.. like Trump or Putin."
General Reshetnikov, a GRU/FSB general behind Dugin, a Kremlin strategist: Russia can be only imperial and anti-communist
Aleksandr Dugin in 2007: "There are no more opponents of Putin's course and, if there are, they are mentally ill and need to be sent off for clinical examination. Putin is everywhere, Putin is everything, Putin is absolute, and Putin is indispensable" – was voted number two in flattery by readers of Kommersant.
When on June 16 (6 days to the
anniversary of the Nazi operation Barbarossa), Putin sent his then chief of
staff Sergey Ivanov (whom Pamela Anderson made babble and bubble about tigers
and turn all pink) to inaugurate the plaque to the fascist plague attacking the
country and the people with great help of Marshall Mannerheim (Dugin: a great
chance to reconcile Russia; with fascism? to fascism? genocide?), Ivanov (as
seen here) spoke right next to a gutter, which also separated him from the rest
of the Putinist quislings honoring the fascist commander in chief and
enemy-invader. The symbolism of this act (as opposed to how the Kremlin wanted
it to be scripted and branded unto the skins of the Russians' brains) thus
reasserted its own will and mind. Also note that, in preparation for this
dishonor to the whole country and their grandparents, the heroes of the Great
Patriotic War and its victims, they had the strip of the building specially
spruced up for this occasion--fixing up and painting only the strip around the
plaque. Just as with Russia as a whole, after all the theft and corruption,
there is only enough money for anti-Russian, anti-national PR (and what the
oligarchs need for their own upkeep and pleasure), but hardly nothing to make
up for the 10x reduction of Russia's portion of the world's GDP from 30 years
ago to what it is now. So thanks to Mannerheim, the building of this Russian
military academy was repainted only in a band of some two meters wide. Forget
the rest. Also note that the quislings made Russian officers and soldiers march
by or in front of Mannerheim, thus giving him honor and, by the same token,
utterly disgracing themselves.
That's also why Russian oligarchy built around the Kremlin has developed such a functioning "partnership," as Putin himself likes to call it, with the Banderite regime in Kiev.
There are, indeed, things that do make these two brothers in crime--the Vlasov regime in Russia and the fascist anti-Russian nationalists in Ukraine--sufficiently close and reflective of each other. It is their class and anti-communist character and their rejection and fear of the Soviet past and its greatness that unites them sufficiently well.
That's also why Russian oligarchy built around the Kremlin has developed such a functioning "partnership," as Putin himself likes to call it, with the Banderite regime in Kiev.
There are, indeed, things that do make these two brothers in crime--the Vlasov regime in Russia and the fascist anti-Russian nationalists in Ukraine--sufficiently close and reflective of each other. It is their class and anti-communist character and their rejection and fear of the Soviet past and its greatness that unites them sufficiently well.
Alexei Navalny Wants Putin’s Job. Here’s What He’d Do With Itbloomberg.comNavalny on Putin (and Dugin):"One of my fundamental disagreements with Putin is that I think that all this talk about a “third way” or Eurasianism is complete crap , a totally fantasized narrative that’s only helpful when it comes to stealing public funds."
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-03-30/alexei-navalny-wants-putin-s-job-here-s-what-he-d-do-with-it
en.wikipedia.org"Despite these discussions the 2004 European PGA conference in Jajinci, Belgrade agreed that "a fascist coming as an interested individual, respecting the hallmarks and whose behaviour during the conference was fine wouldn't be a problem.".[11] Although a rider was subsequently added, this controversy has been further fuelled by the sympathies held by Leonid Savin (the co-ordinator of the Ukraine PGA info-point) with politics of Alexander Dugin. After Savin was shown to be an activist associated with the Eurasia Party, the PGA Ukraine info-point was removed from the PGA website.[12] See also National anarchism."
Chief-editor of Geopolitika.ru - Leonid Savin
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