Monday, November 30, 2015

Is Russian oligarchy about to move toward a liberal authoritarianism or more open anti-Russian dictatorship? published a report that says that Putin's former long-term finance neo-liberal minister and then/now one of the leaders of the official "liberal opposition" to Putin is expected to join Putin's administration where he would be working side by side with Surkov. In the light of the recent opening of the Yeltsin center, which was actually a self-styled reunion of the Russian government and its supposed liberal opposition and the principal agreement between Obama and Putin reiterated today with the complete and "accelerated implementation of Minsk," as demanded by the US and Kiev, there are good chances that the power in Moscow is now decisively moving toward establishing a fuller (neo)liberal authoritarian regime or dictatorship, which, of course, would also radically transform and redefine the whole meaning of the word "liberal" for the conditions of Russia.

Sunday, November 29, 2015

They put a statue of Yeltsin peeing into his pants and on those below in front of his 7 billion rubles center in Ekaterinburg

The statue of Boris Yeltsin in front of his self-named center, which Putin just opened in Ekaterinburg with the stars of Russia's 5th column, liberals, and oligarchs present, appears both symbolic and imposing. While it evokes some of the grandiose "socialist realism" still practiced in North Korea, its message is firmly rooted in the core attitude of Russia's nouveau rich toward the people and the country (not to mention principles). As you can see from the picture, if you put yourself from where you are supposed to look up to the statue or bigger-than-life Yeltsin, then the "gap" between his legs shows off much darker than the rest, giving out an impression that mighty Boris is thus not only relieving himself off his burden, but also peeing from his Titanic height on his unwitting admirers and on those left behind.

Russian government fights against its economy and the glue of the country by means of "Plato"

The Russian oligarchic and neoliberal system hit upon an ingenious way of how to discredit Platonism, philosophy and any critical thinking for the Russians and Russian civilization for good or, at least, for ages to come.

Moscow decided to name its oppressive, inflationary and rip-off system of road tolls (if you are driving some of the worst roads in the world, then you should also pay for the experience above all your other taxes) after Greek philosopher Plato. Thus, connecting Plato with its own neoliberalism and excessive tolls, the Russian government hopes to discredit at least Plato and philosophy, while hopefully saving its neo-colonial liberalism behind the Greek thinker's name.

Economically and even in some strangely dialectical way, it does make sense--Russia being the largest country in the world ought to impose additional taxes on everything that connects this country and what holds it together--like long-range transportation. This will help put the transportation to a state of greater rest (and we all remember that Plato view motion and change as a form of fever or disease), and the glue, the shared connection, which will hold the country together, will be oppressive, excessive taxation on the activities of the ordinary working people.

Because of the great popularity of this system suggested to the Russians by some of the brightest minds from Harvard University--as in the case of the privatization schemes from the 1990s, which were also unanimously approved by the CIA--it is now rumored that, in addition, another system might be introduced soon in the name of Socrates.

Much of this system called Socrates is still held in secret and, therefore, it is accessible only in Russian or only in its Russian translation from the instructions passed Surkov's mouth to the Russian government.

Thanks to our friends, we can, however, present an exclusive scoop of the Socrates program, which fits the "philosophy" of Russia's "Plato" right here.

Marxism did a good job trying to kill any sense of philosophy in the East, but it turns out that it was not radical enough. The new neo-liberal, anti-communist system is, however, sufficiently qualified to destroy the taste of philosophy for good. You just need to invent sufficiently unjust, counter-productive and adequately nonsensical taxation and levies meant to help dissolve the social and economic fabric of the country and then name it after some of the greatest Western philosophers about whom the authorities did not ever care a bit anyway.

В России появилась система "Сократ"

На территории России заработала государственная система взимания платы с пешеходов разрешенной максимальной массой свыше 120 кг., которая получила название «Сократ». Это ассиметричный ответ Ротенбергу, который ему нанёс Геннадий Тимченко.

Плата за нанесение ущерба городским тротуарам пешеходами массой свыше 120 кг будет рассчитываться исходя из фактического пробега таких крупногабаритных пешеходов.

В основе системы «Сократ» заложен справедливый принцип «плати и иди», давно используемый во всем мире, согласно которому за разрушение тротуарного полотна будут платить те, кто наносит ему наибольший ущерб в результате осуществления своей пешеходной деятельности.

на снимке видна разрушительная деятельность пешеходов

Введение системы позволит компенсировать затраты на ликвидацию ущерба, который наносят пешеходы массой свыше 120 кг тротуарному покрытию. По статистике, 56% от общего размера вреда тротуарам, наносят именно пешеходы с избыточной массой свыше 120 кг. Проход одного такого "жиробаса" сопоставим с негативным воздействием от прохода 40-50 тысяч легковесов...

Однако, Ротенберг не собирается так просто сдаваться.

Ходят слухи, что вскоре будет создана ещё одна инновационная система под рабочим названием "Аристотель", которая будет взымать плату с велосипедистов и гужевого транспорта. И это весьма логично. Как говорили древние: Сократ мне друг, но истина дороже. Будет ли одобрен этот план Государственной Думой пока не известно.

на снимке: Сократ одобряет

Одно ясно совершенно точно, что все эти нововведения будут служить на пользу стране и людям, и может быть в скором будущем мы избавимся от двух главных российских бед: дураков и плохих дорог.

Tuesday, November 17, 2015

Russia bent backward over the refusal of Kiev to pay its debt, and the West says: "Very good, now keep going, you need to bend still more and better than that!"

Bloomberg: Once Russia backed off over Ukraine's $3 billion outstanding debt to Russia and the de facto default of Ukraine, Russia needs to bend and being bent backwards even more so now and then all the way:

"The West should see Putin's offer and raise him: Russia should do more to ease a crisis of its own making. ... Now the situation has changed. The IMF has signaled that it might be willing to lend to Ukraine even if the government doesn't pay Russia in December. ... The IMF should take this opportunity to demand that Russia accept a bigger haircut .... The more Ukraine pays, the more IMF money will go straight back out to a country that -- by annexing Crimea and supporting a pro-Russian rebellion -- played the central role in undermining its economy."

The position of both Kiev and the West is, to make it so, that Russia sees no money paid back on its loan--the reverse has been in the works--Russia's de facto reparations and tributes.

Putin's request for guarantees is just formal. It only serves as a cover and a straw for the usual crowd to applaud Putin's genius and cunning. The West is not going to give any guarantees, and Russia's decision to put off the payments from Ukraine is already a done deal anyway.

Thursday, November 12, 2015

The one "tragic flaw" of the Donbass uprising--the first national uprising against the oligarchic counter-revolution, which has been raging in the East for more than 30 years

El Murid shared on his blog and FB page an excerpt from his forthcoming book. His main thesis is that, in reaction and response to the seizure of power and regime change in Ukraine, which brought together Western  geopolitics, its long strategy, oligarchs and fascism, the south-east of Ukraine spontaneously attempted a people's uprising and revolution (hence also the otherwise seemingly oddly named "people's republics"). However, this uprising was or is now defeated, El Murid observes and then lists or singles out the following reasons or causes of this first major anti-liberal and anti-oligarchic people's uprising in Russia and in the whole former East (October of 1993 in Moscow was more of a coup and anti-coup struggle than any broader uprising):

1. the lack of formulated, clear political goals, programs, and strategy
2. to this, I would add, also the lack of any proper political organization of the uprising (the role of Boroday was to make sure that none of this would happen in the first place; and speaking of the post-perestroika communists reminds me more of Czech writer Jaroslav Hasek's concept of the "party of modest progress within the limits of standing prohibitions" ("the law") than of anything which once used to make communism a "real political force" (see the first lines of The Manifesto).
3. since in these matters, timing is often everything, as they say, El Murid is right to point out that the expectation of the people of Donbass that Russia would help them out and repeat the Crimean scenario, was paradoxically self-defeating for, in anticipation, the were waiting far more than they mobilized, not to mention trying to take the initiative or act with sufficient decisiveness in mobilizing society and people's power, which the crisis demanded.

Donetsk, like Kiev and Moscow, was waiting together with Kurginyan to see Strelkov and his men finished off in besieged Slavyansk, while Vostok and Oplot were busy guarding and protecting oligarchs' property and assets in the city.

4. the oligarchic character of Russia's political and economic power, which, by its character and interests, has been antagonistic to any such people's uprising.

In part, El Murid says in the conclusion of his excerpt the following:

Ожидать от Владимира Путина, олицетворяющего и представлющего клептократическое олигархическое государство, поддержки восставшего народа против представителей точно такого же клептократического соседнего государства, столь же нелепо. Путин, как и вся правящая элита Украины и России, является смертельным врагом любых движений и течений, посмевших встать против существующего порядка вещей - даже если они и не помышляют о "странном", а лишь посмели иметь свое мнение и отстаивать его вооруженным путём, пусть даже в целях самозащиты и самообороны.
Восставший Донбасс (я понимаю под этим определением именно восставший народ, а не бандформирования олигархов Донбасса, маскирующиеся под его вывеской), не отдавая (а точнее, не желая отдавать) себе отчет во враждебном отношении к себе со стороны российского высшего руководства и правящей в России элиты, так и не смог сформулировать цели, которые могли превратить его в субъект событий.
Возвращаясь к началу главы и к определению социального субъекта, можно сделать следующий вывод: народное восстание на Донбассе, хотя и являлось реальным социальным субъектом, так и не сумело сформулировать свои цели и вытекающие из них задачи, а значит - не имело шансов на развитие. Не имея возможности развиваться, оно застыло в том виде, в котором возникло, и не смогло приспособиться к быстро меняющимся условиям войны. Очень быстро - в считанные месяцы - восстание оказалось парализованным. В такой ситуации любое восстание обречено на поражение. Что и произошло на Донбассе.
This brings me to my thoughts and my thoughts on the thoughts presented above. Strelkov, Mozgovoy, Ischenko, Bednov and others were, indeed, spontaneously or miraculously emerged leaders and voices of the people's uprising. The whole Minsk deal is based on the premise and imperative of closing not only the project of Novorossiya, but especially of this very people's uprising. Thus, when Putin was speaking of the desired prospect of "normalization," the word "normalization" is really here just a cipher for the expressed desire and program of closing off (or killing off) the people's uprising.

In this regard, if one cardinal (however understandable and perhaps inevitable) "mistake" or "blunder" is to be singled out and emphasized on the part of the aborted or terminated people's uprising and hence also on the part of people like Strelkov and Mozgovoy, then it was the utter neglect of and indifference to the question of political power and its organization on the part of Strelkov (the utter neglect was put aside in cases of utter military necessity and in cases needed to ensure necessary discipline and order) and his associates and the similar limitation on the part of Mozgovoy, though, in the case of Mozgovoy, one cannot speak of utter indifference or neglect. Mozgovoy did understand what was the key political question, but, as with Strelkov, his resources and possibilities were very constrained and, like Strelkov, had no political organization by his side except for his relatively small brigade.

The uprising (or the revolution) suffered from the trust in the paternal trusteeship and good will of Russian post-communist and anti-communist oligarchy, which could not help seeing in Ukraine's fascist oligarchs its "respected partners." The uprising failed because it failed to mobilize the people and, failing to mobilize the people and society, the uprising also failed to seize and use political power. It was enough for people like Boroday or Pushilin to show up, and the question of power in relation to the declared people's republics was stolen and forgotten.

People believed and trusted that by showing up as a people at the referendum on May 11, the main work would have been done. And I don't think that they can be blamed for thinking and hoping so.

In a word, the people failed to (re)establish a functioning system of the soviets (and not only in the towns, but also in the factories), and the uprising did not form a united political organization which would also give and secure to the uprising its form, spirit and accountability. And for this to happen people needed to get better and faster organized, and for this to happen, besides Strelkov, the military commander, and Mozgovoy, the voice and the visionary of the uprising, there also needed to be at least few political leaders and organizers whose caliber and skills would match those of Strelkov or Mozgovoy. But these did not show up.

As it turned out, if, several generations back, the communists were the undisputed masters of the art and science of revolution, their children an grandchildren (many of whom disowned them), learned nothing that was worth learning from their grandfathers. Society of fresh, new blank slates exacted its price--and just something to remember--blank slates are and can be programmed only from the outside. By definition.

In March-May of 2014, political power in eastern Ukraine was up there for a grasp by the people (or by Moscow). People were mainly waiting for Moscow to make the move, but by the end of April of 2014, if not earlier, Moscow decided and said to the junta: "Please, you move and take the power back. In exchange, we will call you partners and even legitimate ones."

In this regard, pro-oligarchic battalions Vostok and Plot played both objectively and subjectively an anti-revolutionary, counter-revolutionary role.

Revolution that does not know how to properly and fast enough mobilize and organize (its) power is like an army which tries to meet exigencies of war without having hardly any order or discipline, not to mention mobilization.

Wednesday, November 11, 2015

One does not need to be a rocket scientist (not to mention a political one) to figure out the basic mechanism of the relations between the US and Russia

Mikhail Lesin who was recently found dead at Du Pont Circle in Washington D.C. serves as an almost perfect poster face of Russian oligarchy--he was a minister of the press under Yeltsin and under Putin, then he headed Gazprom-Media, which also controls the "fifth column" oppositionist Echo Moskvy. He was a member of the highest government and oligarchic structures ruling Russia. Around 2013 he bought himself four luxurious properties in Beverley Hills for $28 million. He has been under the FBI investigation for corruption and money laundering.

Russian oligarchs want to live and enjoy their money in the West (rather than in Russia), and not only in the West, but, if possible, in the most glamorous places--much like the nouveaux riches tried to get into the old aristocracy.

However, this also means that the US and its various agencies are now in a perfect position to decide whether they want to let these oligarchs in and legitimize them and their money or/and also decide at ease under what conditions and terms this can be allowed or blocked. The rest is just a matter of negotiations which has always been a US strength developed to an art.

The bottom line is the Russian oligarchs suffer from an ardent desire to be accepted and legitimized by the West, and the West is the gatekeeper and also the policeman guarding the passage to the Holy of the Holies. So guess who is free to dictate the terms of the trade.

Tuesday, November 10, 2015

Prizrak Commander on Sincerity (Iskrennost), the Spark of a True Spirit, and Alexey Mozgovoy

Prizrak Brigade Commander: Alexey Mozgovoy taught us the real meaning and spirit of freedom. He taught us that freedom begins with sincerity and honor. Freedom without truthfulness/sincerity and without honor is a sham. But it was this sham sort of "freedom" in the mud of which society has been sinking when the communist leaders turned into the most ardent anti-communist converts started dismembering the Soviet Union with a rusty and blunt knife.

In Russian, sincerity is "iskrennost," which is also the word the commander is using. Iskrennost is derived from "iskra"--the spark. To have iskrennost means that one's soul is a true living spark of the spirit. Iskrennost thus also includes truthfulness, the opposite of being an unprincipled slime, and honesty, and these, together with courage, create a sense of honor--which Mozgovoy's own spirit and the spirit of his brigade was made of. Moreover, such iskrennost also expresses and affirms the genuineness (istinnost) of the man's and woman's character.

As Prizrak commander says, it was this (romantic) iksrennost, istinnost, or "the renaissance of honor" which has drawn people to Prizrak Bridage and to Mozgovoy who also thereby taught them the genuine meaning and spirit of true freedom and thus helped them "straighten their (formerly bent) spines and backs." In the eyes of the oligarchs--the spineless and unprincipled ones, this was, however, also Mozgovoy's "deadly sin."

The USSR was not just defeated; it was also colonized, and, despite the claims to the contrary, colonization of Russia is the true policy and the principal trend

What many "lefties" (as well as some self-designated conservatives) in the West keep to turn a blind eye on: the perfectly and thoroughly neo-liberal, anti-social economics of Putin's team and the Medvedev government; the new law and policy on social welfare is designed as its "final solution"--by destroying it. 
With perestroika, the USSR was not only defeated, it was also colonized and now, under the official rhetoric which claims the opposite, the colonial regime is being economically, socially, and also politically decisively reinforced, strengthened and further institutionalized, and this is the economic, social, and political reality of Russia, and the actual main, decisive trend once the propaganda is stripped off. This is also the main reason and cause of the notorious Minsk deal with the fascist oligarchs in Kiev and the West through the two NATO stooges, represented by Merkel and Hollande. 
As Rostislav Ischenko de facto confirmed (see my previous post), among the guarantees and insurances of this on the part of the West is the strategic deployment of the surrogates in key, critical positions such as Surkov.
For most of the population, the gains from the first years of the 00th years have been rolled back since 2008 under inflation, currency devaluation, and the lack of investment, not to mention social justice. There was not one government under Putin and Medvedev whose politics was not adamantly neo-liberal. Economically and socially and thus, unless reformed, sooner or later also politically, Russia has been going back to the 1990s or, to be more precise, moving in the direction of some Ukrainian, Maidan scenario. That's the main, politically most salient story of Russia today.

Colonization of Russia does also mean that large parts of Russia are sinking to a level of a developing, third world country. Just one example: average monthly salaries of college teachers are between 10,000-14,000 rubles, which is an equivalent of $160-210 rubles. (; is thus much closer to the level of Ukraine than to that of Western Europe. At the same time, Russia continues to be a superpower in terms of the number of billionaires and millionaires.

"Destruction of social support would be a final solution of the "Russian Question." When Hitler decided on the extermination of the Jews, it was called the final solution of the Jewish question. Today, the Medvedev liberal government is engaged in a final solution of the Russian question. Along with the draft of the federal budget for 2016, the government submitted to the State Duma a bill (written in an awful bureaucratize) "to optimize the provision of certain measures of social support, among other things on the basis of the duties to follow the principles of the targeting and the neediness when granting support to the subjects of the Russian Federation." Implementation of this scheme means the destruction of social support in the guise of its formal preservation."
Уничтожение соцподдержки окончательное решение 'российского' вопроса

Когда Гитлер принял решение об истребление всех евреев - это назвали окончательным решением "еврейского" вопроса. Либеральное Правительство Медведева сегодня занимается окончательным решением "российского" вопроса. Вместе с проектом федерального бюджета на 2016г. Правительство внесло в Госдуму законопроект: "оптимизировать предоставление отдельных мер социальной поддержки, в том числе исходя из обязанностей соблюдения принципов адресности и нуждаемости при их предоставлении в субъектах РФ". Осуществление этой схемы означает уничтожение социальной поддержки при ее формальном сохранении.

See Mikhail Delyagin's full explanation in his video here:

Stalin led the USSR to victory and a superpower status. His successors, no "followers," rushed in to cash in all that at a garage sale in order to buy a villa in Miami or a mansion in Great Britain. 
"The Soviet Union represented 14.31% of the world's economy in 1969 (highest point) and at the year of its dissolution (1991) only produced 3.58% of the world's economy (lowest point). In 2012 Russia's share was 2.82% (highest point) and reached a nadir in 1998 (1.38%)."
"GDP levels in 1950 (in billion 1990 dollars) were 510 (100%) in the USSR, 161 (100%) in Japan and 1456 (100%) in the US. By 1965 the corresponding values were 1011 (198%), 587 (365%), and 2607 (179%).[21] The Soviet Union maintained itself as the second largest economy in both nominal and purchasing power parity values for much of the Cold War until 1988, when Japan's economy exceeded $3 trillion in nominal value. ... In 1989, the official GDP of the Soviet Union was $2,500 Billion[41] while the GDP of the United States was $4,862 Billion[42] with per capita income figures as $8,700 and $19,800 respectively."

Some try to argue that the Russian government, Medvedev, etc. are something completely different from Putin and that all that Putin needs to become truly good and great and to change the policies of his liberal friends, colleagues, and allies is to get more power or all power. This is not even an argument, but at best an idea for a Hollywood movie. 

Putin's daughter Katerina Tikhonova is 29, but already worth $2 billion, mainly thanks to Russia gas and oil via Putin's friends:

Katerina, 29, described herself as the “spouse” of Kirill Shamalov, son of Nikolai Shamalov, a longtime friend of the president. Shamalov senior is a shareholder in Bank Rossiya, which U.S. officials have described as the personal bank of the Russian elite.

As husband and wife, Kirill and Katerina would have corporate holdings worth about $2 billion, according to estimates provided to Reuters by financial analysts. That wealth stems mainly from a large publicly disclosed stake in a major gas and petrochemical company that Kirill acquired from Gennady Timchenko, another longtime friend of Putin.
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Also among the young couple’s holdings is a seaside villa in Biarritz, France, estimated to be worth about $3.7 million. That asset, too, was acquired by Kirill from Timchenko, a commodities trader who has known the president since at least the 1990s.

Katerina is also thriving in academia and running publicly funded projects at Moscow State University. A Reuters examination of public documents shows that the president’s younger daughter has signed contracts worth several million dollars from state-owned organisations for work at the university to be carried out by organisations she directs. There is no indication she has made any personal financial gain from this work.

She holds a senior position at the university, and helps direct a $1.7 billion plan to expand its campus. Katerina’s official advisers at Moscow State University include five members of Putin’s inner circle – including two former KGB officers who knew her when she was a toddler. They served with her father in the 1980s when he was deployed to Dresden, East Germany.

Among other children of the Putin circle with growing influence are:

Boris Kovalchuk, son of Yuri Kovalchuk, the largest shareholder of Bank Rossiya and a close Putin associate;

Gleb Frank, son of former transport minister Sergei Frank and son-in-law of commodity billionaire Timchenko;

Igor Rotenberg, son of the billionaire Arkady Rotenberg, Putin’s former judo partner;

Sergei S. Ivanov, son of Kremlin Chief of Staff Sergei B. Ivanov.

Глава Газпромбанка рассказал о дочери Путина

Председатель правления и замглавы совета директоров Газпромбанка Андрей Акимов подтвердил агентству Reuters, что Катерина Тихонова является дочерью президента России Владимира Путина. Об этом говорится в материале, которое агентство опубликовало во вторник под заголовком «Дочь Путина, молодой миллиардер и друзья президента».

Акимов входит в попечительский совет фонда «Иннопрактика», который участвует в создании научной долины МГУ и которым руководит Катерина Тихонова.

«Я знал, что это дочь Путина. Но, конечно, мы принимали решение поддержать проекты МГУ независимо от каких-либо семейных связей», — сказал глава Газпромбанка. По его словам, миссия «Иннопрактики» совпала с приоритетами банка. Акимов заявил, что поддерживает проект по расширению МГУ вне зависимости от участия Тихоновой в нем. Он также выразил уверенность, что Тихонова не получала никакого специального обращения в связи со своими родственными связями.

По информации Reuters, в начале 2015 года 29-летняя Катерина Тихонова описала себя как «супругу» Кирилла Шамалова — сына акционера банка «Россия» Николая Шамалова 198, который в 2014 году был внесен в санкционный список Евросоюза как «давний знакомый» президента России. Со ссылкой на неназванных финансовых аналитиков Reuters отмечает, что в качестве супругов Тихонова и Шамалов могли бы обладать активами стоимостью около $2 млрд. Главным образом, это доля в нефтегазовой компании «Сибур», которую Кирилл Шамалов приобрел у еще одного попавшего под санкции как друг Путина миллиардера — Геннадия Тимченко 9, пишет агентство. Как утверждает Reuters, три года назад Шамалов также приобрел у Тимченко четырехэтажную виллу во французском Биаррице, стоимость которой оценивается примерно в $3,7 млн.

Катерина Тихонова и Кирилл Шамалов отказались от комментариев. Представитель Тимченко на просьбу прокомментировать информацию о продаже виллы в Биаррице заявил, что не будет комментировать личные вопросы. Пресс-секретарь «Сибура» заявил, что в соответствии с корпоративными правилами компания не комментирует личную жизнь менеджеров и членов совета директоров.

Фото REUTERS/Regis Duvignau

Пресс-секретарь президента Дмитрий Песков на просьбу прокомментировать информацию, является ли Тихонова дочерью Путина и женой Шамалова, заявил: «Мы не имеем никакой информации о личной жизни, семейных связях, семейном положении, научной деятельности, участии в конкретных проектах и родословной госпожи Тихоновой или других лиц, упомянутых в вашем письме. В последние годы наблюдается огромное количество сплетен на тему семейных связей Владимира Путина и, в частности, его дочерей. Доля точной информации во всех этих публикациях смехотворно мала».
30.12.2014 06:01
Дорогу молодым: зачем Тимченко и Ротенберг продают активы своим детям

Дорогу молодым: зачем Тимченко и Ротенберг продают активы своим детям

Известные бизнесмены, против которых ввели санкции на Западе, передают активы новому поколению. Эти сделки стали одним из ключевых трендов года→

Андрей Акимов стал первым, кто официально подтвердил, что Катерина Тихонова является дочерью Путина. О фонде «Иннопрактика» и Катерине Тихоновой стало широко известно в начале 2015 года, когда РБК опубликовало расследование о расширении МГУ. В расследовании указывалось, что «Иннопрактика» участвует в проекте создания научно-технологической долины университета, оцениваемом в 110 млрд рублей. После этого журналист Олег Кашин в своем «твиттере» предположил, что Тихонова может быть дочерью президента России, живущей под другой фамилией. Тогда источник агентства Reuters, близкий к МГУ, подтвердил, что Тихонова является дочерью президента России. Источники Bloomberg также назвали Тихонову дочерью Владимира Путина.

В свою очередь пресс-секретарь Владимира Путина Дмитрий Песков сказал Forbes, что ему неизвестно, является ли директор компании «Иннопрактика» дочерью президента. «Я не знаю, кто это. Не могу это оценить, я не знаю. До сих пор много девушек выдавали за дочерей Владимира Путина», — сказал Песков.

From Ivan Ushenin's blog:
Хроника социальной деградации при Путине
Оригинал взят у burckina_faso в Хроника социальной деградации при Путине
Чего только не услышишь от правоверных запутинцев. По их словам, Владимир Путин только и делает, что в стране строит больницы, школы, детсады, дороги и прочее. Вот только строит он очень странно - строит так, что Росстат этого строительства в упор не видит, а видит только уменьшение числа всех социальных объектов. Видимо, Росстат под Госдепом находится и публикует не то, что видят запутинцы.

Но однако посмотрим на этот вредительский Росстат, на ввод в действие объектов здравоохранения, социального и культурного назначения в Российской Федерации. Показатели 1990 г. приняты за 100%:

Источник Росстат.

А вот как выглядит закрытие медучереждений при Путине:

Тоже по данным Росстата.

А это закрытие школ при нем же:

Особенно от Путина достается российскому селу. Ну, не любит он село, судя по его делам:

А это картина в целом:

Тоже Росстат. Пора с ним что-то делать, с этим агентом Госдепа...

И дорог Путин тоже не строит:

Строительство автомобильных дорог общего пользования с твердым покрытием в РСФСР и РФ, тыс. км

Monday, November 9, 2015

The fascist regime boldly moves forward with a new labor law, which, surprisingly, removes non-discrimination and gives oligarchs the right to treat workers as their serfs

The Kiev regime is now working on the new Labor Law, which ought to replace at last the last Soviet Labor Law from 1971. The bill has already passed its first reading in the parliament. The new law is to be firmly "democratic," that is to say, securely compatible with fascism, and, as it turns out, it is.

First and foremost, the new junta's law abolishes the non-discrimination clause. You know the clause which prohibits any discrimination because of age, family status, handicap, sex, sexual orientation, etc. Oligarchs, whether local or foreign, will be now free to discriminate.

Workers can now be laid off if their employer declares them "insufficiently qualified." Trade unions have also been thoroughly disconnected from having a say in the issues of labor. Every fascist would approve.

In exchange, the new labor law introduces a new provision which sounds much like reintroduction of serfdom: employers (read: oligarchs) can transfer to each other their work force or employees without needing any of the latter's consent.

Sunday, November 8, 2015

Rostislav Ischenko, Surkov's PR bixch, on why Surkov has to remain the Kremlin's chief handler of Donbass: Western partners need him

Rostislav Ischenko, a key Surkov's propagandist of the Minsk deal, hence, of restoring fascist sovereignty over Donbass, recently explained the "indispensable" role and significance of Vladislav Surkov, Putin's pointed man for handling Donbass in the following colorful, sycophant-like terms. Ischenko explains that Surkov has to stay--primarily because of Moscow's concern for the Western partners in order to reassure them that everything is going according to the agreement, the plan, as expected; the Western partners need Surkov to stay:

"Surkov already embodies a specific policy. If he is gone, it would be a demonstration not only for the Russian people interested [in the fate of Donbass], but also for Donbass, Ukraine, the United States, our Western Partners that Russia's policy is to undergo changes. That would mean that someone else will be appointed and that there would be a different policy. Accordingly, we would faced with a situation where our [Western] partners in the [Minsk] negotiations would have to pause, because they would need to see what the new policy would be. They do not care who the person is, but they want to see a face and understand what politics it personifies. During that pause they would just sit and wait whether Surkov was really removed, who will be his replacement, and when it happens, they would then have to wait for his first steps and see what the new steps will be. Only then it would be possible to continue the ]Minsk] negotiations again. Therefore, from my point of view, Surkov's dismissal is not technically proper now," said Ishchenko.

«Сурков уже олицетворяет определенную политику. Если бы он ушел, то это — демонстрация не только для заинтересованных людей в российском обществе, но и для Донбасса, Украины, США, наших западных партнеров, что российская политика сейчас претерпит изменения. Значит, будет кто-то другой и будет другая политика. Соответственно, мы сталкиваемся с тем, что наши партнеры на переговорах делают паузу, потому что хотят посмотреть, какая будет политика. Им все равно, кто будет, они хотят увидеть фигуру и понять, какое будет олицетворение политики. Весь этот период они будут сидеть и ждать, а сняли ли Суркова, кто будет на его месте, а когда будет, нужно дождаться его первых шагов, какие будут новые действия. Ну а потом уже продолжать переговоры. Поэтому, с моей точки зрения сейчас подобное увольнение просто не технологично», — сказал Ищенко.
 For Ischenko, "Surkov is unsinkable." He cannot do wrong and can't be dismissed. The Western partners need him. Very much. As much as the Minsk deal. And if Surkov is unsinkable, so must be Ischenko.

Alexander Chalenko, the same propagandist for the fictitious cunning plans, who serves Surkov in a position similar to Ischenko's, made a FB post on the same topic, defending Surkov's infallibility and indispensability as follows (in an earlier version I believe that I saw there also a claim that Surkov is unsinkable):

"Nobody in the Kremlin has removed Surkov, is not removing Surkov and is not going to remove Surkov from being the Donbass regent. That claim is a fake. Vladislav Yurevich Surkov will continue to rule all of Donbas today, over the weekend, next week and before New Year of 2016 as well as after the New Year Eve.  So the Poroshenko people, Girkin and Strelkov's people, voices saying "Putin betrayed" (putinslivschiki), the Russian divan (sofa) nationalists, General Petrovsky (Khmury/Bad Soldier), Kurchenko and other interested comrades rejoice prematurely. There is no change of priorities in the Donbass, as Zotiev writes. Because there is only one priority, as before a continued integration of Donbass into Russia [though the Minsk Agreements, which Putin keeps saying has no alternative and must be fully implemented, says explicitly the very opposite]. So far de facto. This is called Surkov's course. The course is approved by the Kremlin. Removal of Surkov from handling Donbass would mean a change of this course, but since this is not possible (giving up Novorossia is not possible), removal of Surkov is impossible as well."

Никто в Кремле Суркова не отстранял, не отстраняет и не собирается отстранять от кураторства Донбассом. Это вброс. Всем на Донбассе и сегодня, и на выходных, и на следующей неделе, и до Нового 2016 года, и после Нового года будет продолжать рулить Владислав Юрьич. Так что порошенковцам, Гиркину и стрелковцам, «путинсливщикам», русским диванным националистам, Петровскому (Хмурому), Курченко и прочим заинтересованным товарищам рано радоваться. Нет никакой смены приоритетов на Донбассе, как пишет Зотьев. Потому что там есть только один приоритет, который был и раньше – продолжение интеграции Донбасса в Россию. Пока де-факто. Это называется «курсом Суркова». Курс утвержден Кремлем. Отстранение Суркова от кураторства означало бы смену этого курса, но так как это невозможно (слив Новороссии невозможен), то невозможно и отстранение Суркова от кураторства.

Saturday, November 7, 2015

Putin's close media aide and oligarch whose work overlapped with Surkov's died in Washington D.C.

Former Putin aide and media mogul Mikhail Lesin (57 years old) was found dead in Washington hotel on November 5. From 1999 to 2004, Lesin served as Russia’s Minister of Press, Television and Radio, often traveling with Putin on official trips. In 2013, he became head of Gazprom-Media Holding, the state-controlled media giant that describes itself as one of the largest media groups in Russia and Europe. This same Gazprom-Media holds 66% shares of Ekho Moskvy, the main pro-Western liberal, official oppositionist ("anti-Putin") radio network in Russia whose main figures had always excellent access both to Putin and the Kremlin, on the one hand, and the US leading hands (including CIA) on Russia.

Lesin, also a prominent Russian millionaire, had also high-level ties to the Kremlin and personally to Putin.

As the former head of media affairs for the Russian government Lesin has been accused of curtailing the country’s press freedoms, while, as indicated above, providing vital financial and other support to Russia's official 5th column media at the same time.

It's unclear why the long-time adviser to Russian President Vladimir Putin was visiting Washington, D.C., at this time.

Lesin is also credited with creating Russia Today (now RT), the English-language news network backed by the Russian government.

In a letter to then-Attorney General Eric Holder, Wicker said Lesin had “acquired multi-million dollar assets” in Europe and the United States “during his tenure as a civil servant,” including multiple residences in Los Angeles worth $28 million.

Putin's Master Plan--He Does What He Promised (Warned) to Do

Agitated Putin, on March 2014: "Listen to me carefully [I will put] our army not in front, but behind [Donbass] women and children and let's see if anyone then dares to shoot into them and let me then look at him!" Well, the fascists did do just that, and, yes, he did then look several times at Poroshenko, smiled, shoot his hand with him, called him a "respected partner," and signed in Minsk a deal, which gives sovereignty to the fascists over these very same women and children in Donbass. And he (Putin) did what he threatened to do--he did put his armed forces not in the front, but well behind the Donbass women and children.

When you want to show the world how great a chess master you are, you sent to Ukraine someone like Chernomyrdin or Zurabov. And when you want to make the point of how much you dislike anything that speaks of a PEOPLE'S republic, you put in charge someone like Vladislav Surkov, an ardent admirer of anti-Russian, pro-US hypocrite Vaclav Havel. And when you want to cement your reputation for morality and ethics, you choose Berlusconi as your best personal friend, you stroll with him through Crimea and lay together a wreath to the "eternal glory" of Italian soldiers, Nazi allies and invaders of Russia. And you declare Poroshenko "Ukraine's best choice" and brag that you "were the first to support him."

Thursday, November 5, 2015

Translation of Alexey Mozgovoy's Poem No. 32

Simply sorry and sore I am for you

Only regret is what remains,
All other feelings are now dead.
Seeing heaven’s shimmer in your glaze
Perhaps I might, I might have only dreamt.

Faults out of the blue were moving in,
And flaws reversed the good old edict.
And the spring that ours used to be
Got reduced to a falling broken wing.

The sunset changed so fast into a dawn,
For we thought a moment only passed.
But when everything is gone at last,
There‘s peace where once was a heart.

Now there’s nothing, no dream, no life,
No feeling, no passion, no spark, no light.
And the daybreak beam just for one
Now seems so common, so oddly trite.

As usual the mist will betray what it hides,
And its dew will sprinkle morning grass,
Even my poem may die in the final dot:
“Forget so well so that none will ever know.”

That’s how I forget. The past’s closed and cut!
So there is nothing—nothing left to regret.
And still—one regret does stain my heart,
And it’s you, but not anymore the two of us!

Мне просто жаль Вас...

Теперь осталась только жалость,
Других эмоций больше нет.
А может раньше лишь казалось...
Что в этом взгляде неба свет.

Вдруг проявились недостатки,
Изъяны стали вдруг видны.
А в памяти кружат остатки,
Большой и чувственной весны.

Закат сменялся в миг рассветом,
А нам казалось, час прошёл.
Теперь ушло всё, бродит где то,
Покой на сердце снизошёл.

Теперь всё стало безразличным,
Ни чувств, ни страсти... ни чего...
И как то сразу стал привычным,
Рассветный луч для одного...

Туман как водится растаял,
В траву росою он упал.
И точку он во всём поставил,
Сказал... забудь... как и не знал.

Забыл, и вспоминать не смею.
Нет в сердце грусти ни о чём.
Есть только жалость, Вас...
Но мне не жаль, не видеть нас...