Normandy, June 6, 2014: through this act Putin personally recognized Poroshenko and the Banderite regime, which, just a month before, massacred nearly 400 Odessites, as legitimate. Otherwise, this act of legitimization of the murderous, anti-Russian and Nazi regime was then further confirmed by the Kremlin when, on the very next day, Putin sent his Ambassador Zurabov back to Kiev so that he could be present at Poroshenko's inauguration on June 7, 2014.
On the inauguration with Zurabov's presence in which Poroshenko openly reconfirmed his anti-Russian position, for example, while Zurabov was reassuring the regime of "partnership" see: http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2014/6/7/ukraine-poroshenkoinauguration.html
Two days before the elections, Putin was already signalizing that, on behalf of Russia, he would recognize the junta as legitimate:
In a speech to foreign and Russian businessmen
at Russia's answer to the Davos World Economic Forum on the shores of
its elegant former imperial capital ...
Asked
whether Russia will recognize the legitimacy of Sunday's presidential
election in Ukraine, he also sounded conciliatory, saying: "We will
treat the choice of the Ukrainian people with respect."
That
was a sign of goodwill after weeks of criticizing the election, which
had raised the prospect of Russia not recognizing the new leader's
legitimacy. Putin added that "after the election we will work with the
newly elected structure."
Furthermore, according to the Kremlin's own official transcript of the government session presided over by Putin on May 28, 2014--in the same month in which the Odessa massacre, the attack on Slavyansk, and the massacres in Mariupol happened, Putin already outlined the basis of the new "partnership" with the fascists, including Russia's economic and financial support of the Banderite regime:
Energy Minister Alexander Novak: Mr President, colleagues.
Trilateral
consultations took place on May 26 between Russia, the EU and Ukraine.
The three items on the agenda for these consultations were outlined
in your letter to the leaders of European countries. They were, first
of all, carrying out our contractual gas supply obligations to Ukraine,
measures to ensure reliable transit for European consumers, and ensuring
payment for gas supplies to Ukraine in light of the country’s current
financial and economic situation.
The outcome
of the talks was that Ukraine confirmed the existence of an undisputed
debt as of April 1 for the November-March period of $2.237 billion.
As a compromise
solution, we and the European Commission proposed the following scheme
for resolving the situation. Naftogaz of Ukraine will transfer $2
billion to Gazprom by May 30, and will transfer the next tranche of $500
million by June 7. This is partial payment for the gas delivered from
November to April. Vladimir Putin: To April inclusive? Alexander Novak:
Yes, to April inclusive. The June 7 payment is partial payment for May,
since the deadline for the May payment falls on June 7. The bill will
be higher of course, for the $500 million here is just partial payment.
The two tranches combined come to $2.5 billion.
Once
we receive the first tranche, which is due by May 30, we are ready
to continue the talks. We agreed to meet again on Friday, May 30,
to discuss our next steps, including possible options for future gas
payments, taking into account of course that we could discuss
a discount, but not a revision of the terms and conditions of the 2009
contract. By the way, Ukraine confirmed that both these contracts are
indeed in force and does not challenge the contracts themselves. Vladimir Putin:
It would be hard to challenge them when they were signed
by the Ukrainians, signed by the same people who are now in power,
and have been in force since 2009. It would be nonsensical to challenge
them. Alexander Novak:
Mr President, I want to add that the European Commission supported us,
which was important, especially in the last round of talks,
and the Ukrainians took some time out until Thursday to hold further
consultations with their leaders. In other words, today is the deadline
when they are to inform the European Commission and Russia on their
decision. Vladimir Putin: Mr Miller, do you have anything to add? chairman of Gazprom Management Committee Alexei Miller:
We gave our Ukrainian colleagues the preliminary bill for gas supplies
for June. The deadline is June 2, Monday, by the end of the day. If
Ukraine does not pay the money, then on Tuesday June 3, at 10 am, we
will restrict gas supplies to Ukraine. Ukraine has been taking maximum
daily volumes allowed by the contract throughout May. Gas supplies
for May come to 3.5 billion cubic metres, and the cost for the month’s
supplies comes to around $1.7 billion. This means that by June 7,
Ukraine’s gas supply debt will come to more than $5.2 billion. There is
not much time left. The next consultations are scheduled for Friday
in Berlin. Mr Novak and I will take part in these trilateral talks with
the European Commission and the heads of Ukraine’s energy sector
and Naftogaz Ukraina. Vladimir Putin: Good, that is agreed.
I think
it is clear to any objective observer that Russia’s position with
regard to our energy contracts and energy cooperation with Ukraine is
not just that of a partner but is more than friendly. Up until now,
as I have already said, we were supplying Ukraine for free with more gas
than total consumption and our annual gas supplies to a country like
Poland. This situation cannot continue forever. This is simply not
possible and everyone understands this.
I hope
that we will not end up in a situation when we are forced to move over
to advance payments. In any case, if the conditions you agree upon with
our partners are carried out and payments begin at the amounts that you
settled on, the Russian Federation Government will need to decide
on what it is ready to accept with regard to further cooperation
in the gas sector with our Ukrainian partners. I will then ask the Prime
Minister to make the relevant decision.
Trivial truth: oligarchic, Vlasov, mafia-based Russia has no chance to
win Ukraine back. In fact, Russia's ruling oligarchy does not even want
or plan to.
The latest Surkovian massive spin by propagandist Rostislav Ischenko is somewhat interesting. It presents a case of massive projection in which the troubles haunting the Kremlin and its traitorous Vlasov policies of a client are being imaginatively and seemingly creatively assigned to Kiev and its Maidan regime. In this, Ischenko still keeps playing his old tune--the "patience" of the West with Kiev is again just about to expire and run out; it is Kiev that is "sabotaging" the fulfillment of the DPR and the LPR surrender to fascist control. At the same time, Ischenko is now taking somehow for granted that the positions of the US, the EU and Russia on the Minsk deal largely coincide, while he paints Kiev as the one who, even in the eyes of Kiev's Western sponsors, does not behave, obey or listen.
The projection, which is Ischenko's Muse, shows up most clearly at the very end of his long piece. The need to pretend and try to save one's face meant that the Kremlin could not surrender the DPR and the LPR fast enough (though certainly it was one of the courses of action contemplated). In this regard, the Kremlin's deference to PR and cowardice helped the DPR and the LPR to extend their truncated existence. This in turn, as the Kremlin and Ischenko have now evidently come to realize, turned into protraction, that is, time, and during this time more and more people started to see and understand better not only the true meaning of the Minsk capitulation deal, but also the Vlasov, oligarchic nature of Putin's regime. In this regard, the Kremlin and Ischenko also began to see that time (giving more people to see the real reasons and causes of the current social and economic crisis and the PR fictions of Putin's genius) is not working for them. The space of maneuver is shrinking. Legitimacy is falling, if not collapsing. In this regard, the Kremlin's policies are no longer just destructive of Russia, but also more and more self-destructive for the Putin regime itself. To use Ischenko's own words addressed to Kiev, Putin's Vlasov regime "did not just commit a crime, but also a mistake which [for the Kremlin and in the Kremlin's eyes) is worse than the crime [treason, plunder, corruption, etc.]--the regime began self-destruction."
Otherwise, in doing this, Ischenko happens to forget his, Starikov's and "Putin's clever plan's" previous lie that by surrendering the rest of heroic Donbass to the fascists, the Kremlin would somehow, as a result and by magic, win back "the whole of Ukraine." Now Ischenko several times in his text happens to confirm that, under Minsk, the DPR and the LPR were/are meant to go back to Kiev and be part of the otherwise anti-Russian and fascist Ukraine. Nothing is here at this stage left of the previous claim that the Kremlin "needs the whole of Ukraine" and, therefore, to get that, the DPR and the LPR need to sacrificed to the fascists to make that happen. Once old lies fall by the side, new lies are introduced, always betting on people having memory spans of Dora, the fish.
The key part, which reveals Ischenko's projection (attributing to Kiev's persona the Kremlin's own acute troubles) is especially this part: "in an open text it has been said to Kiev [read: to the Kremlin] that he has exhausted [spent, lost, squandered] the credit [capital] of [its former] trust [and credibility and its mask]."
The Kremlin began to understand this at last and, understandably, is upset and is seeking culprits--even among its fascist partners in Kiev or among Russian patriots who criticize the Kremlin for its anti-national Minsk policies which turn Putin into a Marshal Petain, the Little.
Putin's regime has robbed Russia and its economy even of its ability to maintain simple reproduction (salaries of $150 a month) can no longer even sustain the oligarchic thieves, their plunder and the continuous tributes and reparations paid to the West.
Throwing to the fascists the Russians in Ukraine as a bone to a mad dog can no longer be peddled as Putin's acme of patriotism and political move worthy of a world champion in chess.
"Киеву было открытым текстом сказано, что он исчерпал кредит уже не доверия, но терпения своих европейских партнёров, что у него остался последний шанс, чтобы начать срочно исполнять Минск и, что если он этим шансом не воспользуется Запад, в распоряжении которого «только десять маленьких минут» «раздевает с себя ответственность за жизнь Вашей светлости».
Такая жёсткая публичная демонстрация обычно обтекаемого Запада (который с Януковичем за два часа до его свержения и подготовленного убийства продолжал любезничать) вызвана не только раздражением наглым украинским саботажем, но в большей мере, пониманием того, что процесс распада Украины и отторжения от неё ДНР и ЛНР зашёл так далеко, что «десять маленьких минут» по сути уже истекли и «жизнь Вашей светлости» не стоит ломанного гроша.
Киевский режим сумел совершить и преступление (начав гражданскую войну), и ошибку, которая хуже, чем само преступление. Он самоизолировался и приступил к самоуничтожению."
Is Putin Russia's first Gladio President? (Admittedly, the numbering might not be exact)
US operation Paperclip, which turned the defeated Nazis, into strategic allies and partners in the Cold War and put them back on the horse in a new format, later also begot program Gladio--the program of winning the war "from behind the enemy's lines." As such, Gladio was not just false flag terror attacks.
P2 was sometimes referred to as a "state within a state"[5] or a "shadow government".[6] The lodge had among its members prominent journalists, members of parliament, industrialists, and military leaders—including Silvio Berlusconi, who later became Prime Minister of Italy; the Savoy pretender to the Italian throne Victor Emmanuel;[citation needed] and the heads of all three Italian intelligence services (at the time SISDE, SISMI and CESIS). ... The activities of the P2 lodge were discovered by prosecutors while investigating banker Michele Sindona, the collapse of his bank and his ties to the Mafia.[13] In March 1981, police found a list of alleged members in Gelli's house in Arezzo. It contained 962 names, among which were important state officials, important politicians and a number of military officers, including the heads of the three Italian secret services.[10] Future Italian prime minister Silvio Berlusconi was on the list, although he had not yet entered politics at the time.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Propaganda_Due
Gladio networks had operated politically with subversion of the Left. This was reinforced a year later in three ground-breaking documentaries for the BBC by Allan Francovich. Francovich made extensive use of primary sources, focusing almost exclusively on Gladio in Italy and in Belgium, where he looked at the Brabant Massacres and attempted to connect them to the Gladioesque anti-communist group, Westland New Post. His documentary interviews key figures in Gladio such as Licio Gelli, head of the P2, Italian right-wing activist Vincenzo Vinciguerra, Venetian judge and Gladio discoverer Felice Casson, Italian Gladio commander General Gerardo Serravalle, Senator Roger Lallemand, head of the Belgian Parliamentary inquiry into Gladio, Decimo Garau, former Italian instructor at the Sardinian Gladio base, William Colby, former Director of CIA and Martial Lekeu, former member of the Belgian Gendarmerie to name but a few.
"The stay-behind effort, in my view, was simply to be sure that if the worst came to worst, if a Communist Party came into power, that there would be some agents there who would tip us off, and tell us what was happening and be around", Ray Cline, Deputy Director of the CIA from 1962 to 1966, explained for instance in front of Francovich's camera. "It's not unlikely that some right-wing groups were recruited and made to be stay-behinds because they would indeed have tipped us off if a war were going to begin, so using right-wingers, if you used them not politically, but for intelligence purposes, is o.k.", Cline went on the record. The papers on the next day in London reported that "It was one of those programmes which you imagine will bring down governments, but such is the instant amnesia generated by television you find that in the newspapers the next morning it rates barely a mention." (DG p.50) https://wikispooks.com/wiki/Operation_Gladio
"In Italy, I have been relegated to the sidelines, but Putin has told
me he is willing to give me citizenship, and entrust me with running the
economy ministry," La Stampa quoted him telling a fellow guest at a
dinner party.
"My future? Becoming minister for my friend Putin," the 78-year-old former Italian premier reportedly said.
Vladimir Putin, right, is welcomed by Silvio Berlusconi at Fiumicino Airport in Rome
On another
occasion, the Russian president paid a late-night visit to Berlusconi’s
residence in Milan just a couple of hours before an important breakfast
meeting about fighting in Ukraine.
Most recently, in June, the pair shared a relaxing weekend together in the picturesque Altai mountains in Siberia.
February
2003: Russian President Vladimir Putin (left) with Silvio Berlusconi
during their informal outdoor dinner at the Zavidovo Putin's residence
"Putin and Berlusconi share an old friendship. They keep in touch, and this is a true camaraderie," Mr Peskov said.
Vladimir Putin invited Silvio Berlusconi to his dacha in Sochi on the coast of the Black Sea in 2005
According to the Moscow Times,
their bromance was cemented in the summer of 2002 when Putin's two
teenage daughters spent a month at Berlusconi's summer residence in
Porto Rotondo. The following year, Putin's entire family visited.
In
the years that followed, the pair seemed to show genuine warmth to each
other on public occasions. They were photographed giggling during
official visits, and in 2009, Berlusconi was accused of snubbing an official visit from King Abdullah of Jordan to celebrate Putin’s birthday. Berlusconi once described the leadership of Putin and Dmitry Medvedev, then Russia's president, as a "gift from God."
Audiotapes purporting to be of Berlusconi's notorious "bunga bunga" parties revealed that a "big bed" in his Rome residence was Putin's.
What
explains the bond between the two men? Politically, they share a
pro-business, pro-power outlook, but perhaps just as important are their
personalities: They're manly men on a continent of gray, dull
eurocrats. In diplomatic cables leaked by WikiLeaks, American diplomats in Rome noted that Berlusconi "appears to be increasingly the mouthpiece" of Putin in Europe. There were suspicions that the Italian leader could be "profiting personally and handsomely" from secret deals with Russia.
"Berlusconi is of the same blood as Putin," Lilia Shevtsova, of the Carnegie Center in Moscow, said in 2010. "They're corporate, ruthless, willing to screw principles."
The two men stood up for each
other, however. “Berlusconi is being tried for living with women,”
Putin said in 2013 at the Valdai Discussion Club in Moscow, according to
the Russian news service Interfax. “If he were homosexual, no one would lay a finger on him.”
Even if there's no political relationship in their immediate future, the
personal rapport between the pair appears undiminished: As recently as October, the men socialized in Rome until 3 a.m., and Berlusconi made a visit to Russia last month at the invitation of Putin. It's (almost) heart-warming. During a visit by the US ambassador to Berlusconi, the prime minister's
phone rang: Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin wanted to speak with
Il Cavaliere. The American was quickly ushered out. The Russian was more
important. (This archive photo was taken outside St. Petersburg in
October 2010.) Berlusconi is only too happy to attend Putin's parties, once even
changing an appointment with King Abdullah II of Jordan to do so.
"Berlusconi … thus, unavoidably, left the impression that, in choosing
private fun over statecraft, he was husbanding his flagging energies for
a blow-out party at Putin's private dacha," the US diplomats noted.
Since revelations about his earlier excesses have come to light, wild
parties in Italy have become too risky for Berlusconi, the Americans
speculated.
"The destructive spiral of manipulation, fear and violence did not end with the fall of the Soviet Union and the discovery of the secret armies in 1990, but on the contrary gained momentum."
So what would or does the Putin-Berlusconi Gladio liaison mean for Russia--to what sort of treatment would this expose Russia?
The first principle/commandment of the Brave New World of Disney (or McWorld): "The character [i.e. politician]can NEVER take off his or her mask."
1. A character can NEVER take off their mask. Even if they become so nauseous in their costume that they need to throw up, they've gotta do it right there inside of their masks.
Rule for the doubles etc.:
2. Characters will be fired if they're seen with the same character. You'll never see two Snow Whites, two Mickeys, two of anyone! One former character performer opened the curtain to the same character she was switching out with once.
3. Cast members are not allowed to tell anyone which character they play. According to a former employee, cast members who play characters can say "I'm friends with ____" or "I hang out with this certain character" but you can never say who you actually play.
7. Disney gives out a lot of free money. Disney Dollars are the official currency of the Walt Disney World resort, Disneyland resort, and Disney Stores in the U.
On many rides, such as The Great Movie Ride in Hollywood Studios, cast members have monologues that must be given correctly to the last letter and inflection
8. Disney keeps notes on their guests.
That's right! If you're mean to a cast member, it's going on your permanent record.
13. "Have a Disney day!" If a cast member ever tells you to "Have a Disney day," you shouldn't be excited.
It's the cast members' code for "Go screw yourself."
ISIS is encircling and cutting off Palmyra with Russian troops ("their forward base") inside the cauldron:
On the critical situation around Palmyra and the possible entrapment of the Russian force there.
"Did the Kremlin order to build such a new but strategically non-sensical base in midst of daesh controlled area to achieve the status of a victim again? An attempt to regain part of the credibility lost latest by imposing that heinous 'cessation of hostilities' on Syria?"
From the previous statements by Lavrov and Kerry, it was apparent that some "division" was made as part of the US "peace plan" supported by the US, which also involved Palmyra as a piece allowing the Kremlin to claim a victory. In that respect, there was a notable involvement of the Russians on the ground, which went beyond directing artillery fire, and the "mine clearing operation" was in part meant as a cover for the existing presence of a Russian ground force. In bringing the Russians into what was essentially a "narrow noodle" or thread of territory and with Putin trying to go for a PR effect with the least cost or any more serious and broader strategy, the Russian force has been effectively lured out into an exposed, trap-like position. This is not the first time Putin trying to please the West is setting up either himself or the Russians.
When the US kept telling Putin that he would be treated differently than Noriega or Saddam and others used by Empire, Putin seemed to have believed it, especially if he had not much of a choice ...
Remarkable fact: In contrast to the Kremlin May 9 parade and its replications elsewhere (including Donetsk), the May 9 parade in Lugansk dared to stand out by having the original Red Star instead of the new Vlasov-like White Star placed on "St. George's [parade] ribbons." You may also note that the emblem of the Lugansk People's Republic does also contain and keep the Red Star.
If, in Moscow, Gorbachev, the Judas, was one of the guests of honor side by side with the Vlasovtsy pontificating with their stolen billions over the correct new colors patriotism repainted under a White, Americanized Star in the place of the Red One, Lugansk was the only place I know of where the Red Star was preserved, and the new white starlets were kept out.
Moreover, in Lugansk, the children were the key guests of honor. No Gorbachev asked to show up.
This was a true people's holiday (prazdnik).
The other part of the Lugansk celebration that carried and embodied this true Russian spirit and the spirit of Victory is this one (or, more fully, from 15:00-21:00; 41:00-1:05:00).
Moreover, having to give a credit where it is due, Plotnitsky also dared to praise and express his gratitude for the Victory to the "multinational Soviet people." Something you will not hear in Moscow from head of the present Vlasov regime.
The sad and strange paradox of Russia is that its woes and evils were
diagnosed and laid out by its best writers, notably by Dostoevsky. And
while these writers were greatly read and adored (except for the
liberals both the old and the current), the political teaching and
Cassandra-like warning has been unheeded. It did not illuminate either
the mind or the soul--bouncing back like beans thrown against the wall.
And to make it worse, the political wisdom of these writers such as
Dostoevsky, has been studied by by the anti-Russian party and much
understood and then applied through a sort of inversion or reverse
engineering against Russia herself.
Thus the insights of the Russian
writers both praised and trivialized by the devoted amateurs of Russian
literature have been turned from instruments of saving Russia into the
weapons of Russia's corruption and destruction in the hands of Russia's
smart and learned Machiavellian enemies.
And yet the essence of
the anti-soviet, anti-Russian, and post-soviet program of Russia's
destruction and dissolution was already revealed and described by
Dostoevsky in his novel, Demons (i.e. The Possessed).
Трагискеский и странный парадокс России состоит в том, что ее беды и зло
были изложены и описаны классиками русской литературы, в частности
Достоевским. И хотя эти писатели много читались и были и есть предметом
любви и восторга (но возненавидены либералами как старыми, как старыми
так и новыми), их политическое учение и Кассандрино предупрежедние было
вцелом проигнорировано и не использовано. Это насущное учение не
просветило ни ум ни душу - оно было принято как бобы брошенные на стену.
А что ещё хуже, политическая мудрость этих авторов, таких как
Достоевский, былa тщательно и очень хорошо изученa антироссийской
партией зарубежом и применена посредством инверсии или реинжинирингa
против России. И так идеи не восприняты довольно всерьёз русскими
почитателями русской литературы превратились из инструментов спасения
России в оружие ее коррупции и разрушения в руках умных и ученых
макиавеллиевских врагов России.
И так вся суть анти-советской,
анти-русской и пост-советской программы разрушения и разгрома России
была уже описана Достовским в его романе Бесы. Но для Русских и русских
лидеров какбы зря:
"Слушайте, мы сначала пустим смуту, —
торопился ужасно Верховенский, поминутно схватывая Ставрогина за левый
рукав. — Я уже вам говорил: мы проникнем в самый народ. Знаете ли, что
мы уж и теперь ужасно сильны? Наши не те только, которые режут и жгут,
да делают классические выстрелы или кусаются. Такие только мешают. Я без
дисциплины ничего не понимаю. Я ведь мошенник, а не социалист, ха-ха!
Слушайте, я их всех сосчитал: учитель, смеющийся с детьми над их Богом и
над их колыбелью, уже наш. Адвокат, защищающий образованного убийцу
тем, что он развитее своих жертв и, чтобы денег добыть, не мог не убить,
уже наш. Школьники, убивающие мужика, чтоб испытать ощущение, наши.
Присяжные, оправдывающие преступников сплошь, наши. Прокурор, трепещущий
в суде, что он недостаточно либерален, наш, наш. Администраторы,
литераторы, о, наших много, ужасно много, и сами того не знают! С другой
стороны, послушание школьников и дурачков достигло высшей черты; у
наставников раздавлен пузырь с желчью; везде тщеславие размеров
непомерных, аппетит зверский, неслыханный... Знаете ли, знаете ли,
сколько мы одними готовыми идейками возьмём? Я поехал — свирепствовал
тезис Littré, что преступление есть помешательство; приезжаю — и уже
преступление не помешательство, а именно здравый-то смысл и есть, почти
долг, по крайней мере благородный протест. «Ну как развитому убийце не
убить, если ему денег надо!» Но это лишь ягодки. Русский Бог уже
спасовал пред «дешовкой». Народ пьян, матери пьяны, дети пьяны, церкви
пусты, а на судах: «двести розог, или тащи ведро». О, дайте взрасти
поколению. Жаль только, что некогда ждать, а то пусть бы они ещё
попьянее стали! Ах как жаль, что нет пролетариев! Но будут, будут, к
этому идёт... — Жаль тоже, что мы поглупели, — пробормотал Ставрогин и
двинулся прежнею дорогой. — Слушайте, я сам видел ребёнка шести лет,
который вёл домой пьяную мать, а та его ругала скверными словами. Вы
думаете я этому рад? Когда в наши руки попадёт, мы пожалуй и вылечим...
если потребуется, мы на сорок лет в пустыню выгоним... Но одно или два
поколения разврата теперь необходимо; разврата неслыханного,
подленького, когда человек обращается в гадкую, трусливую, жестокую,
себялюбивую мразь — вот чего надо! А тут ещё «свеженькой кровушки», чтоб
попривык. Чего вы смеётесь? Я себе не противоречу. Я только филантропам
и шигалёвщине противоречу, а не себе. Я мошенник, а не социалист.
Ха-ха-ха! Жаль только, что времени мало. Я Кармазинову обещал в мае
начать, а к Покрову кончить. Скоро? Ха-ха! Знаете ли, что я вам скажу,
Ставрогин: в русском народе до сих пор не было цинизма, хоть он и
ругался скверными словами. Знаете ли, что этот раб крепостной больше
себя уважал, чем Кармазинов себя? Его драли, а он своих богов отстоял, а
Кармазинов не отстоял." Достоевский, Федор Михайлович. Бесы
Mildly put, that is, provisionally, fascism means martial law. For
fascism is war on mankind and humanity. Moreover, under fascism, even
martial law is no law. For, in fascism, force, power to kill, displaces
law. In fascism, might is right. It is the "right" of Nietzsche's "blond
beast," where the adjective "blond" means nothing, and the subject
"beast" everything.
Fascism does not recognize humanity (here and there it can say some words about it to mislead). Fascism sees human
rights as an oxymoron. For fascism, the only "real" right is the
superiority of one's might to do anything, however inhuman and bestial.
As long as fascism is weak, as long as it is afraid, as long as it
faces significant resistance, it tries to temporize, to camouflage
itself, to lie, and even to "moderate" itself. However, it sees these
disguises as chaffing restraints, enforced hateful compromises. For
fascism wants to be what it is, to have and enjoy its absolute freedom
of cruelty, inhumanity, and terror, and for this it needs nearly total,
absolute power and hence also total impunity. And such total impunity
exists only in the state of war or, rather, a certain very particular
condition of war--in the sphere of the Hobbesian war against all.
That's also why, as Leo Strauss realized (against all the liberal
apologists), that Hobbes and his Leviathan, this very foundation of the
corporate state and liberalism, is the original fascist doctrine.
So that's also why what we have today in Ukraine is a fascist junta,
which acts in the spirit and logic of martial law, which it does not
even bother to declare (much like the US did not bother to declare any
of its many wars after World War II to be wars). Laws, rules, and truth
mean for the junta and fascism nothing. The only question, which
concerns the junta and which matters for the junta, is with how much
criminality and terror it can get away with. And that's also the
"frontier" which the junta keeps probing and which it desires to
eventually erase.
The anachronistic introduction of St. George's ribbon as the principal symbol of the Soviet Victory over Nazism in 2005 (there were no confessional/religious nomenclature in the Red Army and its rewards and medals) has been accompanied with a subtle displacement of the Red Star with a White Star, which, used together with "St. George's ribbon" is being superimposed as if on top of the previous Red Star, as you can see in the photo below. This new symbolism first used for new or contemporary weapons on the parade is now also used instead of the original Red Stars on the famous T-34s and other World War II era weapons.
Yes, similar black and orange stripes were used on the medal of Glory, but the ribbon today is not called the ribbon of Glory. It is called St. George's ribbon, which, at best, belongs to the Czarist army, which, as such, had nothing to do with the Soviet Union and the Red Army. And, yes, similar black and orange stripes were used for the medal of Victory, but these medals were allowed to be carried only by the actual participants in the Great Patriotic War, and the medal was never called St. George's.
Moreover, if you look at the new White Star (and the new anti-Soviet oligarchic regime is ideologically closest to Vlasov than simply to the Whites from the time of the Bolshevik Revolution and the Civil War) a bit closely, you can see that the White Star, while being a white star, does have a funny new twist to it or shape. It also resembles the letter A.
If so, the A would most likely symbolize an initial, that is, the first letter in a proper name. Here most obvious candidates would names of persons, slogans (or commandments) ... or countries. Well, what is the name of other Word War II winner who also won the Cold War in a way, which undid much of the gains of the Soviet Union obtained with so much heroism and sacrifice in World War II?
Or, to ask the way Brzezinski once framed it--if we owe the banks in which your oligarchs keep and hide their money, who, do you think, owns your oligarchs who nominally own and rule your own country?
Besides the letter A hiding in the open in the new White Star where the Red Star used to be, the new supposedly "St. George" symbolism" shows yet another twist. The star presented also as the initial "A" presents the A itself--as a delta or rather as a pyramid the upper portion of which is cut off, divided by the horizontal line from the rest. Where else does one see a pyramid that it cut off or divided in a similar way?
In this much talked show, which was shown repeatedly on the Russian state TV, Nikita Mikhalkov, a famous movie director, reasonably and clearly documented (see the recording) that the Kremlin-funded Yeltsin center in Ekaterinburg, opened personally by Putin, is conceived and works as a center for reprogramming and reformatting the mind and the subconscious of the Russians in east Siberia in the way similar to the ways in which the mind of the Ukrainians has been systematically and deliberately reprogrammed as anti-Russian and pro-fascist during the last 25 years with knowing and deliberate acquiescence of the Kremlin. In this way, the purpose of the Yeltsin center is to continue the work of Yeltsin (and others)--to change consciousness in order to destroy Russia as such and to be the womb of yet another civil war. Since Mikhalkov himself has played a notable part in the anti-Soviet, neo-Vlasov ideological war and reformatting of Russia, his presentation appears to be intended as a deliberate "driving home" of the message and its normalization. The hitherto largely subconscious neurolinguistics reprogramming is being reinforced by amplified prompts which present the hitherto "unthinkable" as a new fact, but one the responsibility for which Mikhalkov spreads in his talk on "all and everyone."
Here is a wikipedia entry on one of Mikhalkov's recent productions:
Burnt by the Sun 2
Plot
Exodus
The film begins in June 1941. Five years have passed since the lives
and destinies of Colonel Sergei Petrovich Kotov, his wife Maroussia,
their daughter Nadia, as well as those of Mitya and the Sverbitski
family, were irrevocably changed: it has meant five years of
incarceration for General Kotov (Nikita Mikhalkov),
the former Revolutionary hero betrayed by Stalin. He escapes certain
death in the Gulag and fights on the Eastern Front as a private.
It has been five years of terror for his wife Maroussia, without the
husband she believes is dead and with a daughter who has rejected her.
Nadia has spent five years in hiding, proud of her father whom she
refuses to disown and whom she believes is alive, despite all reports to
the contrary.
Mitya (Oleg Menshikov)
survived his suicide attempt, and reluctantly continues to execute the
orders of a regime he holds in contempt. Stalin, with his nation under
attack by former ally Adolf Hitler, recalls many of those whom he has had exiled to the GULAG. He tries to mobilize the Soviet population – by any means necessary – to rise against the threat of Nazism.
Citadel
This is the epic of World War II's Eastern Front, a sequel to Burnt by the Sun
(1994), stressing what is presented as Stalin's evil terrorizing the
people of the Soviet Union, while the Nazis are on the rise. Kotov, a
Russian officer who miraculously survived the death penalty in Stalin's
Purge is now fighting at the front. His daughter, Nadia, who survived an
attempted rape by Nazi soldiers, is now a nurse risking her own life to
save others. In the war-torn nation, even former enemies are fighting
together to defend their country. The people are standing together for
victory. The war to the death has a high cost: the Nazis killing people,
burning villages, raping women, churches bombed, bridges destroyed.
Hoping to survive Kotov and his daughter have the vision of each other,
but their dreams vanish in the massive bombardment of the media. With
fire and smoke beyond the sun in the country everything alive is
helpless and strewn with the dead. The dead are covered with snow – for
them, life is over. There remains only a butterfly flying over their
arms and bodies, in reference to eternity.
Video of this visit by Vladimir Putin to the set in 2008.
The film received mostly negative reviews from both Russian and western critics. It was panned for historical inaccuracies, retconning, bad acting and other failures.[2][3]...
Critics panned many provocative episodes, such as a German pilot
defecating on a Soviet ship... As web
publicist Dmitry Puchkov noted, "like any other nation, Russians don't want to see their fathers portrayed as shit."[5]... Burnt by the Sun 2: Prestanding had the highest-ever budget for a Russian film ($55 million) but made a very poor box-office showing, despite heavy promotion that included a premiere inside the Moscow Kremlin.[6]
Putinism is creeping Nazification of the Russians. That's why he calls the fascist regime in Kiev "respected partners."
Repainting the Red Stars as the US White Stars (placed as if on top
of the former Red Stars) even on T-34s makes some sense--it turns the
former victors into the vanquished and the parade of the victors in
World War II into the procession of the vanquished in the Cold War, now
"proudly" wearing and sporting the stars of the masters:
The
third photo attached is showing a vintage T-34 from the parade in 2011
still with its original Red Star before its current Vlasov
flip/inversion into the White Star:
Now speaking of the "St. George ribbon" as the "symbol" of the Victory over Nazism and the Great Patriotic War, of which, last June in Italy, Putin declared that it should "never be repeated."
The Red Army was a secular army, and thus its ribbons did not bear names
of the old saints, i.e., the St. George ribbons. Thus to call the St.
George ribbon the ribbon of the "Victory" is a scheme ... unless it is a
scheme to present a new Victory over that Victory or change the meaning
of the old Victory. The other objective was to displace and disappear
the red flag and the Red Star--the actual symbols of the victory of the
Soviet Union over Nazism.
Знамя Победы - красное. Ленточка победы - красная!
И смело "кладите" на воров-капиталистов и их холуёв, ненавидящих красные символы.
Долой атрибутику предателей и фашистских холуёв власовцев!
На
фото парад 2005 г. В 2005 году знамя Победы несли как положено без
соседства чужеродного Победе триколора. В том же году попытались
внедрить символику царской России,
Первой мировой - георгиевскую ленту. Сработало. И с 2006 года идет
тихая подмена символов Победы, а чужеродный Победе триколор занял
почетное место флага Победы.
In the same spirit, Putin is also having the Lenin mausoleum covered and sealed for May 9 as
if it was a nuclear reactor that needs to be buried under a hermetic
dome. When honoring the Victory over Nazism, the Kremlin does not want
to be reminded too much of the system that actually fought and defeated
Nazism.
Kremlin's motto under Putin is: There is no alternative to Minsk partnership with the Banderite, fascist regime in Kiev.
St. George ribbon" as a symbol of the Great Patriotic War (by the way the name like the Red Star is being used less and less) and Victory was introduced under Putin only in 2005. From 1945 till 2005, the symbols of the Great Patriotic Wars were the Soviet, communist symbols--the symbols of the Red Army and communism.
Those who remember say that the, as the "St. George ribbon" was
introduced as the new symbol of the Victory in 2005, the Lenin mausoleum
was also made "invisible," covered up, hermetically hidden, beginning
in 2005. At that time, the covering up of the mausoleum was explained to
the public as "a diplomatic measure for high guests from abroad." This explanation of Kremlin avowed pandering to the powers that be would be analogous to the US government covering up the Lincoln Memorial because guests from Asia did not like its feng shui.
Moreover, the Red Army did not use any religious nomenclature for its medals, awards or ribbons. The system was secular and atheistic and so was the army. The colors used on the St. George ribbon were used at times, much like other colors were used as well. The black and orange/yellow were usually colors associated with special Guard troops.
2005 Georgievskaya Lenta Action
In 2005, the 60th anniversary of Victory Day, news agency RIA Novosti and a youth civic organization launched a campaign that called on volunteers to distribute ribbons in the streets ahead of Victory Day.[1][5] Since then the ribbon is worn by civilians in Russia and other former republics of the Soviet Union as an act of commemoration and remembrance.[5] For the naming of the ribbons the diminutive form is used: георгиевская ленточка (georgiyevskaya lentochka, “small George ribbon”).[5] Since 2005 the ribbon is distributed every year all over Russia, and around the world in the preparation for 9 May and is on that day widely to be seen on wrists, lapels, and cars.[2][5] The motto that goes with it is "We remember, we are proud!"[5]
Yulia Latynina and other journalists have speculated the Russian government introduced the ribbon as a public relations response to the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine in which demonstrators had adopted orange ribbons as their symbol.[1][2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ribbon_of_Saint_George
Point: The
"St. George ribbon" as the new symbol of the whole war and the Victory
was invented only in 2005, it was also when the symbol was also called
"the St. George ribbon"--anachronistically harking back to the Czarist
times.
In his congratulation on the Victory in the Great Patriotic War,
President Assad evoked Stalingrad and tried to remind Putin and the
Russians of their past "firmness," determination and courage.
However, on the minds beholden to "conspiracy theories," which it takes
to elevate Putin's policies to the height of supreme genius, the point
was utterly lost: when the Nazi armies were battling in Stalingrad, not
even Churchill or Roosevelt dared to conceive of calling the Nazi
auxiliary troops (i.e. Italians, Romanians, Slovaks) "healthy,"
"moderate," and "patriotic opposition to the regime" or went to
demand--together with the Nazis--that Stalin accept one-sided,
fraudulent "ceasefire" so that the Nazis can be saved and re-armed.
Here is a helpful review of Putin's statements in which he says and reconfirms that his
goal is to keep Russia under the reign and hegemony of its "liberal
regime" and then, on the example of Russia's NTV and its head who used
to work for "the CIA-funded Radio Svoboda," Putin explains the meaning
of this "liberal regime" which controls Russia:
2015
2014
2013
2011
2009
Начало маскирования
2005 - Первый небольшой курятник. Замаскирован только фронтальный вид, бока не тронуты
2004 - Самый первый опыт: понаставили тесно флажки, но никакой конструкции нет Снимите тряпку с Мавзолея, Он – символ наш и знак побед! К нему ходил, благоговея, И мой отец, и тесть, и дед.
Он помнит лица наших малых, С парада шедших прямо в бой. Его стыдиться не пристало Наследникам страны большой.
На нем тожественно стояли – Кто посильней, кто послабей – Те, кто стране когда-то дали Все, чем сейчас гордимся в ней.
С него неслось по всей вселенной, Взрывая мировой эфир, Про День Победы незабвенный, Про атом мирный и военный, Про Космос и другую ширь…
И как снимают в доме шапку, И как с лица смывают грим – Снимите с Мавзолея тряпку, Чтоб тряпками не стать самим!
Уместно ли вывешивать черно-желтые, как бы георгиевские, ленточки к Дню Победы? А что обозначают черно-желтые ленточки?
Во-первых, это цвета гвардейских полков. Но войну сделали не одни
гвардейцы, а вся армия. При чем тут тогда только этот цвет, в своем
одиночестве оскорбляющий армейские полки и экипажи, проливавшие кровь в
войне? Они что - к Победе отношения не имеют??
Во-вторых. Это цвета лент на колодочках некоторых наград: ордена Славы,
медалей «За победу в Великой Отечественной войне», «За доблестный труд в
Великой Отечественной войне». Однако награда есть награда, и
награжденные свои награды наденут, а остальные тут при чем? Ведь эти
ленточки цепляют те, кто таких наград не имеет. Может, в память о
простых солдатах, поскольку орден Славы сугубо солдатский орден? Но
солдаты награждались орденами Ленина, Красного Знамени, Красной Звезды,
Отечественной войны, причем с самого начала войны. Высшим орденом был
орден Ленина, но, положим, режим от имени Ленина корчит в судорогах. Но
орден Славы введен только в ноябре 1943 года - за полтора года до конца
четырехлетней войны. Когда уже всё было - не уступающие немецким
советские танки, самолёты, артиллерия. Да и выше ордена Красного
Знамени, орден Славы становится только при трех награждениях. Почему
выбрали именно его? Кроме этого, самой почетной и частой солдатской
наградой той войны (кстати, очень почетной и у офицеров) была медаль «За
отвагу» - бело-голубой цвет. Самый почетный боевой орден, он же вообще
первый орден Красной Армии - Боевого Красного Знамени - красно-белый
цвет. Наконец, высший полководческий орден - Победы - красный с радугой
цветов по бокам. Почему выбран черно-желтый? Цвет георгиевских наград? А они-то какое отношение имеют к Великой Отечественной войне?
Наконец, есть и четвертое значение этой черно-желтой ленточки. Это
символика еврейского траура. Я это с детства знаю - насмотрелся на такие
ленточки на расположенном рядом заброшенном еврейском кладбище. Да и
позднее был такой случай: наш директор-еврей, никогда не бывший
военнообязанным и не видавший гвардейской атрибутики, как-то возмутился,
что художник завода поздравление к очередному Дню Победы украсил этой
ленточкой. На оперативке вполне серьезно объяснял, что это цвета траура
(не раскрывая, правда, какого), доказывал, что день скорби - это 22
июня, а 9 мая - праздник, поэтому такие ленточки не уместны. Пришлось
ему отдельно объяснять и про Георгия, и про гвардию. Итак, в
сочетании с красным цветом черно-желтые ленточки - это символ армии и
гвардии - символ всех вооруженных сил, но отдельно он что обозначает? Похороны чьих-то надежд 9 мая? Чьих? Есть и другая сторона вопроса.
Обратите внимание, как яростно либералы, даже не холуйствующие перед
режимом, отстаивают идею, что войну выиграл не Сталин, а некий народ
вопреки Сталину. А Сталин как мог этому народу вредил, - уничтожил самых
лучших маршалов и генералов, тем самым обезглавив армию, и... и...
(На большее их, обычно, не хватает. Как-то в одной телепередаче А.
Гербер заголосила о бедных мальчиках, которых Сталин под Москвой гнал в
бой безоружными. Я ее спросил, а что он должен был делать? Пропустить
немцев до Ташкента, чтобы они могли перебить всех евреев даже там?
Объяснений, что обязан был делать Сталин, от Гербер не последовало.) Да, разумеется, Сталин один выиграть войну не мог - как это можно было сделать одному, да еще и с поврежденной в детстве рукой?
Правда, Западу очень хотелось натравить Гитлера и Японию на СССР, а
самому постоять в стороне. Сталин организовал войну так, что Гитлер
сначала ввязался в войну именно с Западом, а Япония так и не успела сама
начать войну с Советским Союзом. Правда, Сталин организовал перед
войной небывалое в истории России вооружение Красной Армии артиллерией,
танками и самолётами, а во время войны обеспечил наращивание
производства очень и очень эффективного оружия. Правда, Сталин
организовал обеспечение Армии и Тыла так, что не пришлось посылать
продотряды в села, чтобы забирать хлеб у крестьян, что начал делать
Николай II к концу Первой мировой войны. Правда, Сталин по ходу войны подобрал талантливых полководцев, сумел с толком распорядиться способностями имевшихся.
Правда, Сталин и сволочь ГУЛАГа заставил работать на оборону, а особо
тупую, интеллигентную, заставил, по крайней мере, лес валить. Но
разве это заслуги? Разве сравнить эти заслуги с заслугами вождя
либералов Ельцина, который по представлению Путина получил награду, о
которой Сталин и подумать не мог, - индульгенцию от возбуждения
уголовного дела? Так что я согласен с либералами - не Сталин выиграл войну. Но я не могу согласиться и с тезисом, что войну выиграл народ, и вот почему. Были времена, когда Сталина не было, но вот народ России всегда был.
Тем не менее в 50-х годах позапрошлого века не то что войну со всей
вшивой Европой, а даже англо-французский десант в Крыму этот народ
сбросить в море не смог. Сдался русский народ, согласившись отдать
Турции территории и утопить свой Черноморский флот. А в начале прошлого
века этот народ не смог победить маленькую Японию и отдал ей Курилы и
половину Сахалина, и, что особенно оскорбительно, Япония в той войне
потеряла убитыми значительно больше солдат, чем русский народ, тем не
менее, именно русский народ запросил пощады. А в Первую мировую войну,
всего через год, из русской армии сбежал уже миллион дезертиров, хотя в
союзниках у русского народа были не только Англия с Францией и США, но
даже та же Япония. И русский народ с треском проиграл Первую мировую
войну, отдав немцам огромные территории и миллионы пленных. Потом
отборный русский народ в составе крепких хозяев-кулаков и отчаянных
казаков во главе с доблестным дворянством, осеняемый лучшими попами,
имея в союзниках 14 государств, не сумел выиграть войну у каких-то
«жидов и деревенских бездельников с мастеровой пьянью». А в
Отечественную войну? Разве это не народ сдавался немцам в плен
миллионами, а потом у них в тылу ковал победу Германии, да и прямо
служил в немецкой армии под флагом нынешней России? Разве это не народ
драпал в Ташкент и скрывался от призыва, сотнями тысяч дезертируя из
армии? Так кто выиграл войну? Я могу указать пальцем на своего отца и
своих дядьев. По нынешним меркам мне не повезло, в моей родне никто в
ГУЛАГе не сидел - слишком честными были, если здесь уместно слово
«слишком». Но половина дядьев погибла на фронте, отец был призван 23
июня 1941 года, прошел всю войну и закончил ее в Берлине. Под Одессой их
дивизия сдалась немцам в плен практически в полном составе, вместе со
знаменем дивизии. Он со знаменем своего отдельного штурмового батальона
прорвался в Одессу и уже при ее обороне был тяжело ранен в голову. Потом
был ранен еще трижды, за всю войну даже на учебу не ездил:
госпиталь-фронт, госпиталь-фронт. Когда я его сдуру спросил, был ли он в
плену, так у него слезы на глаза навернулись - как я, его сын, мог о
нем так подумать?! Он закончил войну майором, но не поехал в Москву
добывать себе квартиру и теплое место. Он вернулся работать на завод,
построил сам дом и никогда ни у кого ничего для себя не просил. Вот он и
победил фашистов, вот он и отстроил СССР за свои 47 лет трудового
стажа. Вы мне скажете, что мой отец и есть народ. Нет, ребята, ведь
те, кто нацепят черно-желтые ленточки на антенны своих машин, они тоже
народ, и им в этом не откажешь, но я память об отце не то что на одном
гектаре, на одном квадратном километре с ними не помещу. Так кто мой
отец? Он в 1942 году подал заявление на вступление в ВКП(б). Он
коммунист. И войну с фашистами выиграли коммунисты, как партийные, так и
беспартийные. Половина состава ВКП(б) погибла на фронте, с ней полегли и
беспартийные коммунисты, утопив фашизм в своей крови. Не народ, а
коммунисты выиграли ту войну. И цвет коммунистов - красный. А Георгию Победоносцу с его драконом такие подвиги и не снились.
Поэтому ленточки к Дню победы уместны, но если вы уж действительно
хотите почтить память победителей фашизма, то это обязаны быть только
красные ленточки! Ю.И. МУХИН
Павел ЛысенкоСимволический
цвет Великой Победы нашего народа над кровавым немецко-фашистским
мракобесием-это КРАСНЫЙ цвет. Победное Знамя- красного цвета, но красный
цвет-это также и цвет крови, жертвенно пролитой миллионами наших
бесстрашных соотечественников , благодаря
ратному подвигу которых был уничтожен нацистской зверь и новые
поколения получили возможность жить в независимой великой стране. В День
Победы, 9-го мая желающие почтить память советских воинов павших в той
страшной войне должны надевать Красную ленточку и Красную Звезду, или
что-нибудь одно из этого.
В статье пойдет речь о том, как в наших
умах произошла подмена понятий советской — «Гвардейской ленты» на
«Георгиевскую» — ленту белогвардейцев, а позже предателей-власовцев.
Пожалуй, стоит начать с главных определений: что такое Георгиевская лента, где и кем она применялась?
Георгиевская лента —
это принятая еще Екатериной ІІ в 1769 году наградная лента
черно-оранжевого цвета, которая шла к выcшей воинской награде Российской
империи — ордену Святого Георгия. Однако в 1917 году с приходом к
власти большевиков, старая наградная система утвержденная при царизме
была полностью ликвидирована. В то время Георгиевская лента применялась в
системе наград белогвардейцев, в гражданской войне против режима
большевиков. Белым генералом А.И. Деникиным была введена награда – «Знак
отличия 1-го Ледяного похода», который крепился к наградной колодке
обтянутой георгиевской лентой. В Белом сопротивлении, этот знак отличия
считался самой почетной и уважаемой наградой.
Знак отличия 1-го Ледяного похода, учрежден в августе 1918 года белогвардейским генералом А.И. Деникиным.
Теперь давайте разберем какую роль выполняла георгиевская лента
в ВОВ. Для этого нам нужно немного вспомнить историю предательства
советского генерал-лейтенанта А.А. Власова. Так вот, столь высокий
генеральский чин в 1942 году был взят в плен немцами. Фашистское
командование сломало Власова и склонило его к сотрудничеству против
красной армии. Более того, генерал-предатель возглавил военную
организацию, состоящую из русских военнопленных, названную «Русской
освободительной армией». Военные ополчения РОА воевавшие против
коммунизма на стороне Третьего рейха, создали культ георгиевской ленты.
Связано это было с тем, что большинству офицеров РОА был присвоен орден
Святого Георгия еще в Российской империи. Поэтому нередко фашистский
военный мундир могла украшать георгиевская лента.
Русский полководец Краснов П.Н. (воевавший во время ВОВ на стороне фашистов) с георгиевской лентой на немецком мундире.
Альбов Александр Павлович- майор РОА с георгиевскими лентами на немецком военном мундире.
В Советском союзе ленточка с
оранжево-черными полосами впервые появилась в 1942 году. Предшествовало
её введению присвоение в сентябре 1941 года звания «Гвардейских»,
советским воинским формированиям и кораблям за массовый героизм и
доблесть проявленные в бою их личным составом. Позже, в 1942 году для
военнослужащих гвардейских формирований был учреждён нагрудный знак
«Гвардия». А для гвардейцев Военно-Морского Флота СССР вводилась
прямоугольная пластинка обтянутая муаровой лентой с оранжево-черными
полосами, также данный орнамент был использован на бескозырках матросов.
Уже в официальных документах 1942-43 годов, эта лента носила название
«Гвардейской» и прилагалась к Ордену Славы.
Как отличить гвардейскую ленту от георгиевской?
Георгиевская лента не имеет строгого
описания. В статуте награды 1913 года было сказано, только, что лента
состоит из 3-х черных и 2-х оранжевых полос. Гвардейская лента имеет
оранжевый цвет на который нанесены 3 черные полосы. Ширина — 3 см. 2 мм,
длинна — 142 см. Ширина черных полос — 0,6 см, выпушка- 0,1 см.
Из выше изложенного возникает логический
вопрос: какое отношение имеет лента Георгия Победоносца к триумфу
советских войск над фашистской Германией в ВОВ?
1) Георгиевскую ленту во время ВОВ носили предатели-власовцы.
2) Георгиевской ленты не было в советской наградной системе.
Попросту сказать мы стали заложниками
журналистов-невежд, которые в 2005 году провели общественную акцию
посвященную 60-ти летию Дню Победы, на которой раздавали символические
ленточки с черно-оранжевыми полосками, как знак уважения и памяти
ветеранов Отечественной войны. Сама инициатива акции вызывает лишь
положительные эмоции, если бы не одно большое «НО», в честь чего или
кого, организаторы этого действа назвали символом Великой Победы
георгиевскую ленту?
Vladimir Putin, right, is welcomed by Silvio Berlusconi at Fiumicino Airport in Rome 
February
2003: Russian President Vladimir Putin (left) with Silvio Berlusconi
during their informal outdoor dinner at the Zavidovo Putin's residence 
Vladimir Putin invited Silvio Berlusconi to his dacha in Sochi on the coast of the Black Sea in 2005 
