Saturday, March 7, 2015

If Russian Maidan were a play and hence a script, then it might run like this

Strelkov said that Surkov-shaped "strategy" is to achieve the least at the greatest possible costs. Back in 1990s, Surkov's boss was oligarch Khodorkovsky. The more one knows the more one has to start taking a possibility that Surkov has been working for the return of his former boss.

In fact, Surkov himself can justifiably be included among the top five politically most important people and among some of the longest in the innermost circles of power in post-Soviet Russia. And he bows to Havel, Nietzsche, and Machiavelli.

Surkov has hardly respect for anyone around him. In terms of holding someone in respect he made a notable exception for people like Vaclav Havel and Tupac Shakur.

In Ukraine, Serhiy Lyovochkin, the head of Yanukovich's administration, a position which Surkov himself used to occupy in Moscow, played a key role in helping the Ukrainian Maidan from within the government which the Maidan overthrew.

Of course, one of the commonest fallacies is to assume that what was possible in Ukraine cannot or would not happen in some form or another in Russia as well. After all, in the end, for many people, to paraphrase Bernard Shaw, politics is no longer so much a question of principles, as the question of their price for which they are willing to do whatever they are hired for.

The US regime strategy has two key goals, which both in the past and in the present dictated and dictate which course is chosen: 1) containing and ultimately controlling Russia's nuclear arsenal and 2) as much as possible limit or prevent a possible Chinese grab in the desired, but very dangerous dissolution of the Russian Federation.

Nemtsov's symbolic murder (both the time and the place were meticulously chosen) started off the implementation phase of Russian Maidan for which Surkov's Ukraine strategy has been creating rather very favorable conditions together with the liberal oligarchs and economists in charge of Russia's economic and financial policies.

Incidentally, this very week or so the Kremlin started also adding its voice to the meme that the greatest threat might no longer be the liberal fifth column, but Russian "nationalists, radicals, and extremists." Something which people like Starikov started spreading already toward the end of 2014.

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